Actually existing Europe

Chancellor Angela Merkel and PM Orbán in economic press conference. Demotix/Goncalo Silva. All rights reserved.The European Union
is bleeding from a thousand wounds.

Despite some optimistic
forecasts, its crisis is not over; its economies are fragile with very modest,
if any, promises of better future, with significant unemployment, particularly
among the young, soaring inequality, social exclusion and poverty. In the east,
an increasingly aggressive Russia has been rewriting the continent’s borders,
in almost total impunity: in the west, David Cameron has won elections on an
agenda that openly questions the European construction.

In the heart of
Europe, in Hungary, Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz government has systematically
dismantled the democratic political system and openly mocks fundamental
European values. All over the continent, increasingly anti-European, radical
right-wing nationalist parties, some with bluntly racist, xenophobe ideology
keep gaining ground and imposing their demands and rhetoric on mainstream
politics. In several countries they have already entered into Parliament; they
threaten to become a decisive political power in France, come back reinforced
in Austria and have just formed a bloc inside the European Parliament that will
give them increased resources and public space.

In what has become
the EU’s principal head-ache, Greece, the latest events forecast a dramatic
outcome. In the South, just on the other side of the Mediterranean, the
beautiful promises of the Arab spring were crushed and the whole region is
suffocated in bloodshed, remodeled dictatorships, ruinous civil wars and an
efficient, devastating war-machine, ISIS. Thousands of desperate people flee
this situation and intend to cross to Europe in hope of finding a better life
or sheer survival and thousands of them die on the way.

How does the
European Union react to these grave challenges that are threatening its very
existence? It issues lukewarm warnings to Russia, promises to accommodate
Britain as much as possible, scolds Orbán, gets alarmed about the propagation
of extremism and proposes to “resolve” the problem of illegal immigrants by
increasing the budget for border protection and preventing refugees to reach
its shores.

As far as the
bitter aftermaths of the Arab spring is concerned, Europe’s behavior can best
be described as non-assistance in a situation of mortal danger. (Europe cannot
be blamed for all the tragedies of the Middle East, but one shouldn’t forget
that the monster of ISIS was set free by the disastrous military intervention
in Iraq – launched despite the largest political mobilizations since WW2 that
tried to prevent it. The British and French military intervention in Libya had
similarly grave consequences.)

The only field
where the EU has an unmistakably strong position is its insistence on fiscal
discipline and faultless execution of austerity measures. Our continent’s
leaders manifest astonishing unity and determination in pushing the Syriza
government to follow the instructions provided by the EU’s and international
financial institutions. Alexis Tsipras and his Minister of Finance, Yanis
Varoufakis have become the bad boys of the continent whose alleged
intransigence prevent Greece from being helped by its European partners. Since
Mr Tsipras’ open
letter published in Le Monde, the
EU political establishment has launched a concentrated series of attacks on the
Greek leaders. The mounting political pressure has been accompanied by a
campaign in most of the mainstream media that repeats the same old clichés about
the lazy Greeks who overspend and want German (and other ‘good’ European)
taxpayers to pay for their excesses, about their ungratefulness and
unwillingness to honor their obligations.

Root causes

Anybody who has
looked into the root causes of the present situation in Greece, knows that the
descent to hell started when the country joined the Eurozone, falsifying its
statistics, encouraged by European authorities and advised by Goldman Sachs;
that since they had easy access to credits, the ruling elites started to borrow
enormous sums, again, assisted and encouraged by the Union’s respective
authorities and financial institutions that keep advising them; that tax–evasion
became a national sport, started by the very same governing elites who remained
in place when the Troika entered into the picture to “rescue” Greece.

We also know that
thanks to the intervention of EU institutions, the debt Greece owed to private
banks was converted into public debt, so private investors were bailed out; that the large sums of money provided
to Greece with ever harsher conditions under the bailouts were principally used for
debt servicing, instead of restructuring and redressing the economy; that
the dogmatic execution of the Troika’s prescriptions has pushed Greece further
into the abyss; that two years ago even
the IMF admitted that its measures caused much bigger economic and human
damage to Greece than they had expected, and still they keep imposing them.

Further we
understand that instead of paying out for the lazy Greeks, Germany and other
northern European countries, as well as the IMF, largely benefit from the Greek
crisis; that Syriza won elections, and maintains its overwhelming popular
support because the Greek people have had enough and wanted a genuine change.
That the Syriza government intends to address the most acute aspects of the
economic, social and humanitarian crisis and start a series of fundamental
reforms to redress the country, but that as soon as they came to power, they
were deprived of cheap EU credits and were pushed
into a corner where their space of maneuver has been reduced to a minimum. The Greeks are expected to cross a deep ravine blindfold, hands and feet tied. If they happen to reach the other side, they are assured that they will have to repeat the exercise over and over again. And when they ask for a safety harness, they are accused of non-cooperation.

The EU's messages

During the last
five years, but particularly in the last months, since Syriza won the
elections, the EU has been sending chilling messages to its citizens,
governments and the non-European world. That people and governments have no
more right to take autonomous decisions, that long-fought social achievements
can be abolished with a signature of non-elected officials, that a government
has no right to defend its citizens in
case of extreme hardship, that it does not even have right to consider
alternatives and asks questions about the rationality of the options that are
imposed on it.

The epic struggle
that is taking place between the Greek government and the EU political
establishment and the international financial institutions is not at all about
meeting this or that deadline. It’s about the possibility of a political
alternative. The Syriza-led coalition is a heterogonous formation and has its contradictions
and problems. But it is the only European government today that intends to
translate into political action the popular discontent that flooded the streets
of Europe (and the US) some years ago. They dare saying loudly and clearly what
people on the streets have been saying for years now: that the economic and
social model that is pushing more production to consume more, to destroy more
in order to produce more, destroying human beings, societies and the Earth, is
fundamentally wrong.

Decent livelihood,
a more equitable distribution of the world’s riches, protection of the planet,
participation in taking decisions that concern us all – these are not
particularly radical propositions. Europe’s political elite, however, remains
blind and deaf to its peoples’ demands and keeps defending the status quo,
defined by abstract economic parameters. During the negotiations between the
representatives of Greece and its “savers”, one could clearly see how the
agenda, logic and language of the international financial institutions have
permeated the EU’s decision-making mechanisms. Rigid fiscal parameters,
minuscule percentage points of GDP growth that do not translate into any
genuine economic and social gains for the bulk of society have become
fetishized targets that crowd out every other consideration.

EU representatives
mechanically repeat the slogans of a democratic and just Europe, where
prosperity comes together with the respect of basic human rights, but keep
pushing through a business agenda that has nothing to do with these ideals.

No wonder David
Cameron, who executes an extreme version of the classic neo-liberal agenda, Francois
Hollande who was elected on the promise of renegotiating the principles of EU’s
economic construction and did not even try to do it, Mariano Rajoy, who feels
threatened by the emergence of Podemos, Angela Merkel, whose Germany reproduces
an outdated
economic model supported by depressed wages,
precarious work and increasing inequality, became irritated, when Tsipras
reminded them of the EU’s founding principles.

Orbán vs.Tsipras

How is it that Tsipras,
who tries to relieve the suffering of his people and save the country from disaster,
who is looking for a compromise with the EU even at the price of abandoning key
elements of his own political agenda, is a less acceptable negotiation partner
than Viktor Orbán, who openly wages a “freedom fight” against Brussels and is
taking his country towards a major economic and social crisis?

Orbán has received
some critical assessments and stern declarations from EU institutions, but has
got away with cosmetic changes. The EU’s only severe warning came when he
crossed the sacrosanct 3% budget deficit threshold. He understood it right
away: he squeezed the population a little bit more to maintain the prescribed
quota and continues building his illiberal authoritarian regime with EU money.
What is the EU’s message? That you are free to violate basic human rights,
sacrifice future generations, use your country’s resources for cementing your
own power base – as long as you stick to the financial requirements to the
letter?

By now there is
plenty of evidence that instead of economic recovery rigid austerity creates
further economic crises with extreme social burdens, poverty, social
inequality, all of which jeopardize further development and open wide the door
for political extremism. In a rare moment of self-reflection even IMF experts
admitted that their tough demands for European state budget cuts, emulated by
the European Commission and the OECD, were miscalculated.
Why do the EU’s decision-makers continue as if nothing happened?

Austerity politics
suits the agenda of the world’s dominant corporations and financial
institutions, the only genuinely concerted and consistent force that has been
shaping the post-Cold War world. For them crisis, civil wars, natural
catastrophes, epidemics, life and death are just business opportunities that
have to be grabbed and exploited as fast and efficiently as possible.

In recent decades
they have succeeded in imposing their predatory business strategies on the
world, by finding the ways to validate their interests through political
structures, including the complicated decision-making mechanisms of the EU.
They assisted Greece’s downfall and keep
finding new opportunities there, for example in their repeated requests to
privatize the country’s natural and productive assets. In the middle of the
insolvency crisis, they managed to convince the leaders of Germany and France
to sell
weapons to the Greek government, while they pushed them to painful
budgetary cuts slashing welfare, health and education. They keep pressing
European governments and EU officials to introduce into European legislation a
set of trade agreements that would guarantee corporations global control over
people and democratically elected governments.

The Greek crisis
has revealed with a striking brutality that despite the valuable work of some
of its committees, agencies and representatives, the European Union today is as
far from its proclaimed values as “actually existing socialism” was from a
genuine socialist model. On paper too, the EU stands for freedom, democracy,
justice and equal rights, right to a decent livelihood, to freedom of
organization, thought and speech. More of a positive utopia than a reality, nevertheless
for decades the EU has presented itself as the embodiment of these values, an
ideal that encouraged generations of Eastern Europeans during the Cold war
years and afterwards, that was still invoked by the rebels of the Arab spring
just four years ago, and for which only slightly more than a year ago, people
still died in Kiev’s Maidan Square.

Who will tell all
those aspirants that they were mistaken? That their dead died for the wrong
cause?

Greece, with its
centuries-long experience of resilience, will survive an eventual break-up with
the EU, particularly if Syriza is able to initiate genuine changes. But the EU
might not. If no compromise is found, the centripetal forces at the level of
national governments, political parties and citizens, whose alienation from the
Union is already significant, will accelerate. All progressive elements inside
the EU system and social movements outside the comfortable rooms of Brussels
should push European decision-makers to give Greece a chance – and start a
radical restructuring of the EU’s institutional system. One that might give our
continent the possibility of a human, livable future. Maybe it’s not too late
yet.

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