The Congolese Government is at war with its people

March 6, 2018, Uganda: UNHCR worker and refugees fleeing from the Congo into Uganda. Henry Wasswa/Press Association. All rights reserved.The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo is putting
its own short-term interests over the well-being of the Congolese people. It is
refusing to attend and encouraging others to stay home from Friday’s
international conference in Geneva, a United Nations-led initiative to
raise $1.7 billion for emergency assistance to
over 13 million people in Congo affected by recent violence.

Government officials deny that there is a humanitarian
crisis. This appears related to a sinister attempt to attract foreign
investment and further enrich those in power, while avoiding outside
scrutiny.

Congolese security forces and armed groups have killed
thousands of civilians in the past two years, adding to at least six million
Congolese who have died from conflict-related causes over the past two decades
– making the conflict in Congo the world’s deadliest since World War
II. Today, some 4.5 million Congolese are displaced from their homes –
more than in any other country in Africa. Tens of thousands have fled into
Uganda, Angola, Tanzania, and Zambia in recent months – raising the spectre of
increased regional instability.

Congo is Africa’s biggest copper producer and the world’s
largest source of cobalt – which has tripled in value in the past 18 months
because of the demand for electric cars. Hundreds of millions of dollars of
mining revenue have gone missing in recent years, as Kabila, his family and
close associates have amassed fortunes. While Congo’s immense
mineral wealth could help address the emergency and other basic needs of an
impoverished population, income from any new investments are more likely to end
up in the pockets of those in power.

Much of the recent violence is linked to the country’s
worsening political crisis. President Joseph Kabila has delayed elections
and used violence, repression, and corruption to entrench his hold on power
beyond the end of his constitutionally mandated two-term limit on December 19,
2016.

Kabila has presided over a system of entrenched
impunity in which those most responsible for abuses are routinely rewarded with
positions, wealth, and power. Congolese security forces have carried out
or orchestrated much of the violence, in some cases by creating or backing
local armed groups. Well-placed security and intelligence sources have
told us that efforts to sow violence and instability are an apparently deliberate
“strategy of chaos” to justify further election delays.

‘Strategy
of chaos’

Congolese security forces shot dead nearly 300 people
during political protests over the past three years. Since December,
security forces have hit a new low by firing into Catholic church grounds to
disrupt peaceful services and protest marches following Sunday mass.

Meanwhile, attacks on civilians have intensified in
eastern Congo’s Ituri province over the past three months. We have
documented terrifying accounts of massacres, rapes, and decapitation. More than
200,000 people have been forced to flee their homes.

While government officials have insisted that the
recent violence is the consequence of inter-ethnic tensions, baffled residents
say that isn’t so. Many referred to an “invisible hand” – seemingly
professional killers came into their villages and hacked people to death in
what appeared to be well-planned assaults. Some alleged that government
officials may be involved.

But Congo’s deputy minister for international
cooperation said last week that “there is no
humanitarian crisis.” Congo’s foreign minister said the UN’s description of the
humanitarian situation in Congo is “counterproductive for the public image and
attractiveness of our country and could scare away potential investors.”

Congolese government officials sent threatening
letters to the Netherlands and Sweden, who are supporting the conference,
saying Congo would be “forced to impose consequences” if they continue with
their preparations, and they successfully convinced the United Arab Emirates
to pull out.

Donors should not be intimidated. They should instead
work to ensure that adequate funds are raised to meet the life-threatening
humanitarian and protection needs of the Congolese people. And just as
important, they should work to address the underlying causes of the violence to
prevent the crisis from spiraling out of control even further.

That means working closely with regional leaders to
ensure Kabila steps down in accordance with the constitution and allows for the
organization of free, fair, and credible elections. Congolese need an
opportunity to elect a new president who is accountable to the people and who
will work to bring an end to Congo’s violence, impunity, and suffering. The
Congolese people deserve no less.

‘Strategy of chaos’

‘Strategy
of chaos’