Europe’s misguided applause for Morocco’s reform process

Hollande delivers a speech at state dinner hosted by the King. Abdeljalil Bounhar/Press Association Images. All rights reserved.While the Arab uprisings led to regime change, and civil war, the monarchy
in Morocco managed to contain its protests through reforms, which were largely
applauded by international leaders.

On July 6, 2011 Catherine Ashton expressed a
widely supported perception among European governments and referred
to the constitutional reform as “a significant response to the legitimate
aspirations of the Moroccan people.” However the reform did not make Morocco more democratic or hold the
regime more accountable.

Inspired by the Arab uprisings in
Tunisia and Egypt, the so-called 20 February Movement was able to unite diverse groups of
Moroccan society and mobilise the largest demonstrations in at least a decade. The
heterogeneous groups and individuals were first and foremost united by their
criticism of the kingdom’s autocratic practices.

The response by the palace was
remarkably fast and effective. Within
weeks of King Mohammed VI’s seminal speech
on March 9, the protest movement’s ability to rally large demonstrations and
keep the pressure on for political change faded.

The king appointed an advisory commission
for the revision of the constitution. This process did not involve
representative institutions; no elected body – such as a constituent assembly –
was established, nor was the parliament consulted.

However in addition to the selected
advisory commission, a political commission was established, in which the
largest eight parties of parliament were represented. Abdellatif Menouni, a
close advisor to the king, headed the advisory commission, which allowed the
palace to keep control of the process as well as the outcome at all times.

Reflecting the crown’s preference
for a “participatory approach”, the advisory commission used a consultative mechanism
based on hearings. However, some crucial organisations criticised its
credibility due to its composition and the lack of transparency of the process. 

The country’s most important labour
union, three leftist parties (Parti
Annahj Addimocrati, Parti socialiste unifié and the Avenue de la résistance),
the islamist movement Al-‘Adl wa-l-Iḥsān and the independent Moroccan human
rights organisation (AMDH)
boycotted this process. Likewise, the 20 February Movement did not
participate in the hearings.

The debate on the final text of the
constitution was limited to the advisory commission. Neither parliament nor the
media, or any other organisation, participated in a public debate on the final
articles of the constitution. The discourse surrounding the new constitution
was limited in scope and depth, not only because of the opaque nature of the
reform process, but also due to the lack of information available to the media
and public.

The new constitution introduced a
number of changes, most cosmetic in nature. The king, for example, is no longer
described as “sacred”, but the integrity of his person remains inviolable.
However, his role as commander of the faithful, thus ability to influence
politics through his religious function, remains unchallenged.

Morocco’s prime minister now has to
be selected from the largest party in parliament by the king. Despite this, the
constitution also preserves an opaque dual cabinet structure: one headed by
the prime minster, who leads the government and a second, presided over
by the king, called the council of ministers.

Manifold control mechanisms and veto rights reinforce a non-transparent executive
decision-making system in which the monarch ultimately holds power.

As
such, the new constitution did not redistribute power in the kingdom.
Formally democratic institutions such as the government, the parliament and
political parties remain junior partners in a dual governing structure dominated
by the palace. No effective
control over the power of the palace has been established.

In the
aftermath of the constitutional referendum and subsequent elections in
November 2011, the political landscape was stabilized and essentially returned to
similar authoritarian conditions that existed prior to the protests.

Although the palace has preserved its control
over the political sphere, future mobilizations can by no means be ruled out. The current calm may well
be shortlived. Recent protests against the rise of energy prices, a higher education reform and the crackdown on activists and journalists indicate prevailing grievances.

Given the nature and the outcome of the
reform process, unilateral applause by European leaders was misguided. An
assessment of the constitutional reform process should translate into a more focused
foreign policy towards the kingdom. Stability under the cover of autocracy is not only unjust and brutal
but also unsustainable.

European policymakers should not assume that fundamental shifts in Morocco’s political system will lead to
instability and give rise to extremism. Why should a more comprehensive shift towards a
parliamentary monarchy undermine stability?

As the Arab uprisings have proven, the
notorious regimes across the Arab world provide only superficial stability.
Meaningful democratization and inclusive political processes and institutions that
can address the grievances of the disenfranchised young populations are the
only way of providing long-term stability. This holds true for the entire
region. 

Given the flaws in the new constitution, the
EU’s narrative of the Moroccan role model has to be revised. European
governments and EU officials should engage in a more critical dialogue with
their Moroccan counterparts.

Economic cooperation could be conditional
upon meeting democratic standards, beyond mere lip service. The withdrawal of established
economic privileges and access to the European market should be openly discussed
among European member states.

Existing institutions, such as parliament,
political parties, civil society organizations and the judiciary, that hold the
highest potential in creating a change within the existing political system, should
be the main focus of intergovernmental cooperation.

Political parties, labor unions and NGOs
should be supported through capacity building and exchange. Meaningful support in
democratic transitions will make the EU’s foreign policy not only more credible
throughout the region, but could also contribute to more stability in Morocco.